In April 2026, the Indian government pushed for delimitation (the redrawing of constituency boundaries), one of the most urgent measures politically discussed proposals in the country. It portrayed delimitation as a constitutional change essential to fulfilling the democratic promise of reserving parliamentary seats for women. The opposition refused to link Ladies reserve to the demarcation exercise, which results Rejection of the proposed change.
What became clear in this episode was that women’s political representation was being held hostage to a separate struggle for electoral power.
What became clear in this episode was that women’s political representation was being held hostage to a separate struggle for electoral power. However, the instrumentalization of women’s reservation did not begin with demarcation; it merely brought to light what was already embedded within Constitution (One Hundred and Sixth Amendment) Act, 2023i.e. the Women’s Reservation Act, right from the beginning.
The bill’s own language gives it away
In the small print of the Women Reservation Act, 2023Point 2 of the “Statement of Objectives and Reasons” states: “True empowerment of women requires greater participation of women in the decision-making process, as they bring different perspectives and improve the quality of legislative debates and decision-making processes.”
Women’s participation is not justified as a democratic right or as a correction to the structural exclusion that keeps women out of political decision-making. Instead, it is justified by what women can do for Parliament and Indian politics.
At first glance this may seem progressive. But a closer look at the underlying expectations and statements reveals a different picture. Women’s participation is not justified as a democratic right or as a correction to the structural exclusion that keeps women out of political decision-making. Instead, it is justified by what women can do for Parliament and Indian politics.
Their presence is presented as valuable because it will “enrich” the debates. Here representation depends on utility: only if women improve the “quality” of legislative debates, discussions and decision-making processes are they welcome to participate in politics.
Furthermore, the rhetoric of women bringing “different perspectives” carries its own silent trap. If women are valued for their special contributions, one should ask: What contributions are expected of them? Historically, the answer has been limited and gendered.
Across all population groupsFemale lawmakers are routinely assigned portfolios related to gender equality, family well-being, social inclusion, health, communications and gender-based violence. On the other hand, defense, infrastructure and foreign policy continue to be treated as “masculine” issues and assigned to men. India is no exception to this trend. A analysis The number of women in the Union Council of Ministers between 1952 and 2019 shows that women ministers most often held portfolios for information and broadcasting, culture and other social areas, while they rarely held economic or security ministries, except in rare cases.
If representation is justified by the opportunity to bring in “different perspectives,” there is a risk that the gender gap will be widened rather than closed. The language of enrichment can become an invisible boundary for what women can or cannot do as parliamentarians.
If representation is justified by the opportunity to bring in “different perspectives,” there is a risk that the gender gap will be widened rather than closed. Women become symbolic bearers of “women’s issues” rather than becoming full-fledged political actors with the power to shape every area of governance. Here the language of enrichment can become an invisible boundary for what women can or cannot do as parliamentarians.
What female leadership can actually achieve
India already has evidence of what happens if this cap is lifted, at least at one level of government: its Panchayati Raj institutions. Proof from Rajasthan and West Bengal points out that women-led gram panchayats have invested significantly more in drinking water and road infrastructure – issues that appear to disproportionately affect women but have the potential to have positive impacts for all groups. A 2024 Study by the Observer Research Foundation noted that elected women representatives in local rural governments played a critical role during the pandemic by identifying returning migrants, coordinating ration distribution and securing hospital beds.
These are narratives of women actively redirecting resources, expanding the state’s priorities, and shaping what governance looks like on the ground. More importantly, this is a signal that women are not the only beneficiaries of the efforts they lead; Entire communities benefit from it.
Two versions of empowerment
The demarcation controversy is revealing because it reveals a gap between two versions of empowerment. The first is a version in which women’s political representation is exploited, which is revealed by the demarcation link and reflected in the language of the original bill. In this version, women’s representation is a means to other ends: an unequal distribution of political power between regions and an improved quality of legislative debates. Since the presence of women in power was never the primary goal, reservation becomes a promise that can be postponed, conditional or exploited.
Since the presence of women in power was never the primary goal, reservation becomes a promise that can be postponed, conditional or exploited.
However, there is another version in which women’s reservation is really promising. If seriously implemented, with reforms in the selection of party candidates, inclusion of caste and class, and institutional support for women entering politics, something far more important could be achieved than improving the quality of legislative debates in India. It could normalize women as decision-makers in all areas of public life. Real empowerment would not be that women were invited to make better politics, but that women had the power to change it for everyone.
Garima Agarwal (she/her) is a policy analyst at The Quantum Hub (TQH Consulting), where she focuses on gender, labor force participation and the digital economy. She holds a Masters in Social Policy from the London School of Economics (LSE) and a Masters in Psychology from the University of Delhi. Her passion lies in working at the intersection of research and practice to drive actionable change.
