Beyond Digital Violence: How Online Hindutva Abuse Silences And Sidelines Women From Political Participation
‘Being vocal about political viewpoints seems like a luxury in a society where only individuals of a certain background are considered worthy of voicing their opinions. If you’re a woman or a minority and try to state a political opinion on a public platform, you face nothing but criticism and threats,’ Kristeen Gomes, 24, a Delhi-based psychologist, told FII.
Online spaces and social media are increasingly the site of public discourse and an integral avenue for political participation. However, when we consider gendered barriers to such participation, we must confront the issue of Hindutva misogyny and online abuse that stifles women’s participation in public and political life by making it a dangerous, harrowing ordeal.
Any woman who is politically active, publicly outspoken, or defies gendered expectations online has some experience with the relentless trolling and harassment of the Hindutva online machinery. Threats of sexual violence and death, slurs and name-calling, body shaming, non-consensual sharing of women’s pictures, sexualisation and objectification, and doxxing are all, unfortunately, quotidian experiences for Indian women on the internet.
Source: FII
However, the nature and extent of the political abuse women receive online is not merely determined by their political opinions or opposition to far-right politics; it is often inextricably tied to gender, and the intensity of such abuse is predicated on the social identities of the targets.
Beyond digital violence: a new form of political exclusion and sidelining
While the occurrence of such harassment is now common knowledge, we must start viewing it as more than just a form of digital violence and see it for what it really is – a means to keep women out of public and political life. This is done by dangling the prospect of large-scale harassment campaigns and threats before them, and forcing them to censor themselves, reduce their visibility online, and withdraw from political discourse for the sake of their safety and wellbeing.
Such abuse is not perpetrated by fringe elements alone. It is a well-oiled machine of far-right public figures and commentators, massive Hindutva troll accounts, emerging sock-puppet accounts, and additional fake accounts with few followers that do the grunt work.
Abhijit Iyer-Mitra’s tweet against Newslaundry journalists. Image Credit: Dhanya Rajendran/XA tweet by the troll account Hindutva Knight, attacking a woman for her negative tweet about the film Dhurandhar
The attacks against women carried out by these accounts are not limited to threats of bodily harm, sexual harassment, misogynistic abuse, slurs, or image-based abuse, either. They often doxx women, harass their friends and families, and contact their employers and attempt to have them fired.
Shaviya Sharma vs Squint Neon is a 2024 case where an X (formerly Twitter) user made a critical remark about Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath. Following this, she was doxxed by an infamous Hindutva troll account, Squint Neon (run by the same person who operates Hindutva Knight, as per AltNews).
As per court documents, Shaviya Sharma’s photographs and professional identity were revealed, and an email was sent to her employer. While the court ruled that the offence didn’t constitute doxxing (as the information shared was in the public domain), it ordered X to take down the tweets consisting of Sharma’s personal information.
In 2024, journalist Rana Ayyub was doxxed by the X account, Hindutva Knight, a notorious troll account with a history of relentlessly harassing anti-Hindutva figures, journalists, and activists.
However, these attacks are most common against Muslim women, especially those who are highly visible in the public eye and take a firm anti-Hindutva stance. In 2024, journalist Rana Ayyub was doxxed by the X account, Hindutva Knight, a notorious troll account with a history of relentlessly harassing anti-Hindutva figures, journalists, and activists. Earlier the same year, The Wire journalist Arfa Khanum Sherwani was doxxed, and the tweet revealing her phone number was retweeted and amplified by Hindutva Knight.
Rana Ayyub’s tweet containing a screenshot of Hindutva Knight revealing her phone number onlineArfa Khanum Sherwani’s tweets revealing she was doxxedMohammed Zubair’s (AltNews) tweet responding to Sherwani, revealing Hindutva Knight had retweeted the tweet which doxxed her
The silencing intended from such abuse isn’t just limited to social media. Writers, journalists, and activists are forced to self-censor because of Hindutva online abuse and the offline consequences of tactics like doxxing and the weaponisation of the legal system against them. Speaking of the prospect of Hindutva online harassment turning into offline violence, Harshi, a writer, tells FII, ‘Most of what I write, I try to make less political. Which is extremely difficult. You may not think of your own safety too much, but you have to think about the safety of those connected to you.‘
Such doxxing and legal harassment aren’t isolated instances, either. There are entire Hindutva accounts dedicated to doxxing women in interfaith relationships and weaponising the legal system against prominent women online.
BhagwaLens is an account dedicated to finding details about interfaith couples from their social media accounts (often Instagram) and amplifying them. This account also claims to contact the families of these women and notifies local Hindutva outfits of such interfaith relationships.
In its X bio, the account solicits messages with information regarding ‘actionable cases‘. Squint Neon has also engaged in harassing interfaith couples in the past. Whereas the account, Hindu IT Cell, threatens anti-Hindutva and anti-establishment individuals with legal consequences. This is not merely an X account; they are a registered organisation under the Indian Trusts Act.
Hindutva account BhagwaLens’ tweets doxxing women for being in interfaith relationshipsHindutva account Squint Neon’s tweet doxxing a young couple for being in an interfaith relationship. Image Credit: AltNewsHindutva account Hindu IT Cell threatening journalist Rana Ayyub with legal consequences
In her 2016 book, I Am A Troll, journalist Swati Chaturvedi noted how several troll accounts, including those that engage in misogynistic abuse against women, were followed by Narendra Modi. As per AltNews, as of February 2024, Squint Neon’s (@thesquind) X account was followed by BJP leader Kapil Mishra, BJP national spokesperson Shehzad Poonawalla, and the spokesperson of the BJP, New Delhi, Tajinder Bagga.
As per AltNews, as of February 2024, Squint Neon’s (@thesquind) X account was followed by BJP leader Kapil Mishra, BJP national spokesperson Shehzad Poonawalla, and the spokesperson of the BJP, New Delhi, Tajinder Bagga.
It’s now well-documented that these trolls aren’t isolated, fringe elements of the larger Hindutva ecosystem; they are integral to it. They are the cogs in the machine that keep the Hindutva operation running smoothly, essential to swaying and shaping public opinion, silencing critics, and threatening dissenters into submission. And the abuses they carry out are carried out with impunity in an authoritarian state’s shadow. They are the informal enforcers of an authoritarian regime, and women pay the price.
Targeting, silencing, and deterring women
Dr Ruchika Sharma is a historian of medieval Indian history. She also creates videos online, which are aimed at busting popular myths surrounding Indian history. Dr Ruchika routinely debunks many false Hindutva claims, making her a target of routine online abuse. Asked what her experience with Hindutva online harassment has been, she tells FII, ‘The harassment is relentless. I have experienced everything from misogynistic abuse and sexualised comments to people taking my pictures from Instagram and posting them to Twitter – trying to slut-shame and body-shame me. I have also received death threats, rape threats, and have had slurs used against me.‘
She further added, ‘There is also complete disregard for the fact that I have expertise in History. They’ll take my pictures from Instagram and say, “You don’t look like a historian” or “Your videos are only good enough to watch on mute”. Because I have been getting Hindutva hate for a while now, most of this no longer registers. It’s par for the course.‘
Abusive tweets directed at Dr Ruchika Sharma
However, while some women like Dr Ruchika continue to remain politically involved and vocal despite the abuse they face, Hindutva harassment of highly visible women like her sends a message to all other women that a political voice and visibility online bring with them a world of risk. An intended consequence of such political harassment in digital spaces is to deter other women.
Madhavi Sharma, 26, a Pune-based student, describes herself as politically aware and as someone who is interested in tracking political developments across the country. She told FII, ‘I do post political opinions on Instagram sometimes because only my followers can see them. I have heard harassment on Twitter is really bad, so I don’t share my political views on that platform. Everything you say will be called anti-national on Twitter. I am also afraid of being doxxed; it may or may not happen, but it is best to just stay away.’
A report by Equality Now and Breakthrough India titled Experiencing Technology-facilitated Gender-based Violence in India: Survivor Narratives and Legal Responses, which surveyed several women in India, found that many survivors of technology-facilitated gender-based violence (TFGBV) disengaged from online spaces entirely after facing online abuse. Women from marginalised communities, on the other hand, noted how navigating digital spaces came with the prospect of facing systemic abuse for them.
While this report didn’t specifically look at Hindutva online abuse, such harassment also operates along similar lines. Kristeen Gomes told FII, ‘Being a woman, the prospect of online harassment becoming offline is very real. Everyone has seen enough news articles about those who have experienced this firsthand, and how online expressions can and will lead to offline harassment. We have seen this happen to influencers, actors, and the wealthy and connected. If those who have the resources to fight against these abuses are afraid, the impact such harassment will have on regular middle-class people is horrifying.’
Source: FII
The admin of Team Saath, a Twitter page dedicated to standing up to abuse and harassment, told FII, ‘These attacks on women are not just trolling, they are a reflection of a deeper anxiety about women who refuse to conform. The Hindutva groups and their supporters who blatantly display their misogynistic views online try to shrink women back into silence by using shame, slurs, and threats as tools. We have stood with many women who faced this violence simply for daring to speak. Their courage exposes a truth – the backlash is strongest where women’s voices are making the greatest impact.‘
Masculinity, misogyny, and the far-right
Dr Ruchika told FII, ‘A lot of Hindutva hate has nothing to do with politics. Some of them hate me because I am a woman and on this platform. Political differences are an excuse; at the heart of Hindutva hate towards women like me is misogyny. Misogyny is the primary driver, and political differences are only an addition, something used to justify the misogyny and engage in it with impunity. They want to silence me as a woman, more than as an anti-establishment political ideologue.‘
During the course of our conversation, Dr Ruchika told us that the abuse she faces isn’t just predicated on the fact that she’s a woman, but the kind of woman she is – outspoken, opinionated, and visible.
During the course of our conversation, Dr Ruchika told us that the abuse she faces isn’t just predicated on the fact that she’s a woman, but the kind of woman she is – outspoken, opinionated, and visible. And this is a pattern with Hindutva abuse, where women’s refusal to perform patriarchal femininity and adhere to gendered expectations draws more ire than their political beliefs.
To understand why Hindutva online harassment is worse against women, Hindutva’s political philosophy must be understood beyond its Islamophobia. Hindu supremacy and Islamophobia are undoubtedly central to Hindutva politics; however, the ideology’s relationship with masculinity and patriarchy must also be analysed.
Hindutva’s relationship with masculinity is dichotomous. It glorifies hypermasculinity and positions it as a virtue for Hindu men, while vilifying masculinity in groups it has othered, especially in Muslim men. Hindu masculinity is considered essential to achieving Hindutva political goals; on the other hand, the masculinity of the Muslim man is cast as a threat to the Hindu man, Hindu woman, and the Hindu rashtra. Women, however, are expected to perform femininity, respectability, and gender roles in line with patriarchal prescriptions.
In The Logic of Masculinist Protection: Reflections on the Current Security State, Iris Marion Young articulates how, in patriarchal settings, a ‘masculine protector‘ forces women and children into the role of the protected, putting them in a subordinate position, where obedience is expected of them in exchange for protection, and they must externalise their autonomy to the protector. Likewise, a paternalistic approach in politics and government risks casting citizens in the role of the protected and the subordinate.
Source: FII
Patriarchal frameworks are deeply enmeshed with Hindutva politics. In the Hindutva imagination, straight, cisgender, upper-caste, Hindu men are the ‘masculine protectors‘, in the political sphere and the socio-cultural ambit as well. A circular relationship exists, where this notion both draws on existing patriarchal frameworks and, in turn, reinforces and strengthens them. In this set-up, women are subordinate to the masculine protector, politically and socially, and they are expected to operate within rigid patriarchal structures.
All far-right ideologies espouse patriarchal and traditionalist worldviews. At the heart of political conservatism lies social conservatism and a desire to concentrate power in the hands of a few. Rigid gender roles and unflinching gender expectations are often par for the course for far-right ideologies, as are misogyny and other forms of bigotry. From abortion bans in the United States to the Taliban denying education to girls in Afghanistan, socio-political conservatism always manifests as control, subordination, and sidelining of women and girls, albeit to varying extents. And Hindutva is no exception.
From abortion bans in the United States to the Taliban denying education to girls in Afghanistan, socio-political conservatism always manifests as control, subordination, and sidelining of women and girls, albeit to varying extents. And Hindutva is no exception.
This is not to say that Hindutva decries all political participation by women. Hindutva outfits often have dedicated women’s wings, and this is often positioned as a reflection of women’s socio-political empowerment under Hindutva aegis. These outfits allow women some political visibility, but only so long as they adhere to patriarchal norms.
Women’s wings of Hindutva outfits might encourage women’s political participation, but they don’t seek to position them alongside men, only subordinate to them. Their political efforts are only supposed to supplement those of men. In camps for girls organised by the Durga Vahini, the Vishwa Hindu Parishad’s women’s wing, girls are not taught to be political agents or develop a political voice; their roles are confined by gendered patriarchal prescriptions. These women’s wings teach women and girls to be good mothers and wives in order to supplement the political aspirations of Hindutva men and the rashtra.
A Hindutva and MRA account attacking MRA activist Deepika Narayan Bharadwaj
However, if they deviate from prescribed norms of respectability, they are attacked as well. Dr Ruchika speaks of cases where women who are Hindutva proponents have also been doxxed by Hindutva accounts, saying, ‘I have seen instances where women who are vocally Hindutva have minor interactions with Muslim men online, and Hindutva accounts will doxx her, circulate her number, or call her parents.‘
Women from marginalised communities are disproportionately targeted
Casteism is also inextricably tied to Hindutva. While Hindutva often speaks of ‘Hindu unity’, this proposed united Hindu front is still hierarchical in nature and seeks to maintain caste distinctions and hierarchies. Hindutva’s idea of ‘Hindu unity’ is structured vertically, not horizontally, and caste-based exclusion and exploitation are written into it. While Hindutva situationally exploits marginalised caste identities for its political gain, it seeks to continue their social and political sidelining.
A Hindutva account making casteist remarks
However, Hindutva online abuse against the women of minority religions, especially Muslim women, hardly needs mentioning. A report titled Behind The Pixels: Social Silencing and Isolation of Indian Muslims in the Online Public by Bebaak Collective, an association of grassroots activists and women’s groups, found that Muslim women were limiting their social media presence due to online abuse. The report further noted that the online abuse targeted at Muslims in India is often gendered in nature.
The study by Equality Now and Breakthrough India also found that in cases where targets of TFGBV belonged to marginalised communities, they faced additional targeting due to their gender and caste identities. Speaking of her ambivalence regarding being politically vocal online, Gomes said, ‘Growing up in a country that calls itself secular, but has minimal representation of people who share my religious identity, also plays a big role in not feeling confident to state my views on a public platform. As a minority, the fear of being threatened for having a vocal online presence does contribute to having a more cynical approach to being heard and seen on social media.’
‘Growing up in a country that calls itself secular, but has minimal representation of people who share my religious identity, also plays a big role in not feeling confident to state my views on a public platform.‘
– Kristeen Gomes, Psychologist.
Under today’s Hindutva, the arbiter of everyone’s political visibility and public access is the right-wing, straight, cis, upper-caste, Hindu man. The only way to enjoy one’s freedom of speech and expression and right to political participation, and remain safe while doing so, is to negotiate with the far-right and see how many concessions they are willing to grant. Madhavi noted, ‘You can say anything on the internet, and you’ll be targeted, as long as you’re not a Hindu man. Anyone whom the patriarchy doesn’t deem fit to be heard is a target.‘
Hindutva online abuse should be understood as a category of technology-facilitated political violence and not as just another manifestation of online harassment, given the fact that the weight of the state machinery is behind it. These are systematic attempts to silence and sideline women and must be viewed as such.
Source: FII
A crucial part of increasing women’s public and political participation today is ensuring safe spaces online, where they don’t face abuse as a tactic to politically silence them and bully them into patriarchal submission. However, under an authoritarian regime that feeds these trolls and actively benefits from their violence, the problem of Hindutva online violence against women will only grow exponentially.
Gomes asked a pertinent question during our conversation: ‘Many people have only the internet to express themselves politically, and online harassment from Hindutva groups, or anyone else, encroaches upon these spaces of expression – then what is the point of freedom of speech and expression?‘
This article has been published under the Laadli Media Fellowship 2025. The opinions and views expressed are those of the author. Laadli and UNFPA do not necessarily endorse the views.
Akshita Prasad is a writer whose work primarily focuses on feminism, social and institutional justice, law and policy, politics, and pop culture.
