Gender identity manifests itself in many ways in the labor market. These may include lower wages for the same occupation, occupational segregation, restricted location regulations and the provision of unpaid workamong other things. This phenomenon is also observed in artisan communities in various districts of West Bengal. Artisanal production is a unique form of production because it is closely linked to a strong sense of identity. There is also a widespread gender-specific division of labor in handicraft production. A curious case of such a split appears in Pottery communities from Bengal.
Crafts and division of labor
When we think of a potter, we generally imagine a man working at his wheel, making cups, plates, and bowls. This is actually the case across districts. FII spoke to various potters in several cities and villages in West Bengal. The division of labor in a pottery household was also very clear. The man sat on the bike and worked with the clay. The clay was usually brought or bought by someone in the family. The main part of the work of giving shape to the clay is done by the man. There were parts of the process that were carried out by the woman, generally the man’s wife.
Photo by Swapnanil Mukherjee
Generally, the woman was involved in cleaning the raw clay by taking out the stones. It also cleans the general work area and keeps products in the sun to dry. The part where the products are burned in the oven is often done by the woman. Painting the products is often the wife’s job.
The part where the products are burned in the oven is often done by the woman. Painting the products is often the wife’s job.
The potters then sold the products either in the markets themselves or through retail or wholesale channels. Debashish Pal*, a potter from Balarampur village, mentions:
“I’ll get the clay from the river bank.” I make bowls in different sizes, lamps and other products related to worship. I work on the steering wheel. My mother and my wife help us by moving the products to dry and transport them from one place to another. They also help me clean the clay and eventually paint some of the pots.”
The women of Salampur
This seemed to be the general picture of the pottery work process until we arrived at Salampur village in West Midnapore district of West Bengal. Here we saw no women working as unpaid domestic help for their potter husbands. Rather, they were potters themselves.
The women who spoke to us mentioned that their husbands work as migrant workers in different cities or states. Damini Pal* mentions:
“I learned the craft from my brother-in-law. He works in a wheel. I watched him work and then learned the craft on my own. I started working to contribute to the household expenses. My sons go to school and there are expenses for their education. My husband earned Rs. 6,000 a month from the fabric shop. That wasn’t enough for us. Then I thought I should work too and contribute to the expenses.”
Uniqueness among potters
Understanding the nuances of the work of Salampur women can shed light on the gendered nature of this particular work. The women chose pottery because they wanted to contribute to the household income during the pandemic, when their husbands’ income had plummeted. This points to a situation that labor economists often refer to as “emergency employment.”
Source: FII
This is in stark contrast to male potters, who are often very proud of their craft, which they learned from their previous generations. Shefali Pal*, a potter, mentioned that during the pandemic, she thought she could at least contribute Rs.100,000. 1000 to the household to cover their children’s tuition fees. The money women earn is now a crucial part of their household budget.
The way these women sell their final products is also different from the way their male counterparts usually do it. Rupa Pal* says that as women they cannot go to local markets to sell their products. “Instead, we rely on the middleman who comes to the village and buys all of our product,” she says. In this case, the norms associated with women’s domesticity limit their mobility.
Women do not use the wheel to make the clay products. They use their hands, cubes and a mold to give shape to the clay and create the final product.
Probably the most interesting observation that distinguishes the work process of female potters from that of male potters is the production process. Women do not use the wheel to make the clay products. They use their hands, cubes and a mold to give shape to the clay and create the final product. All women unanimously emphasize that working behind the wheel is a man’s job. Women are not allowed to work behind the wheel. This is an example of how norms and customs that restrict women’s access to certain professions become part of the everyday narrative and justification. Working on the bike could have enabled women to produce more products and meet increasing demand. Radha Pal* mentions:
“Women are not allowed to work behind the wheel.” Since I’m not suing the bike, I can’t serve all requirements. “The products made on the bike also have better workmanship.”
Source: FII
Even though they are potters, housework still comes first for them. The women of Salampur are craftsmen in every sense, even if they don’t take the same pride in their work as men do when learning their generational craft. The state has not yet recognized them as such Handyman because they don’t have the craftsman card. While it’s refreshing to see women actively engaging in pottery making rather than being “helpers” to their potter husbands, their stories remind us of the complex gender dynamics at play here.
*Names have been anonymized to protect respondent confidentiality. The author thanks Swapnanil Mukherjee for his participation in this fieldwork and all the artisans who took the time to speak with us.
Satyaki Dasgupta is an assistant professor in the Department of Economics at Christ University in Bangalore.
