‘If you do not interfere in politics, politics will interfere with you,’ said Mehina Fathima, a PhD Scholar at Delhi University (DU) and a former member of the Students’ Federation of India (SFI). Student-led protests in DU campuses are not a new phenomenon. Since its establishment in 1922, DU has witnessed student activists become national leaders and transform the face of Indian democracy. However, of late, this culture has faced systematic erosion due to bureaucratic red tapism and arbitrary administrative decisions that quell dissent.
Under these regulations, for any assembly which includes protests, dharnas, or related activities, organisers must submit a signed physical application 72 hours in advance to both the Proctor’s Office and local police authorities.
The Office of the Proctor at the University of Delhi issued new guidelines to regulate campus protests and public gatherings in a notification dated March 23, 2026. Under these regulations, for any assembly which includes protests, dharnas, or related activities, organisers must submit a signed physical application 72 hours in advance to both the Proctor’s Office and local police authorities.
The application must include details of the organisers, the nature of the event, and the proposed schedule. Furthermore, individuals not affiliated with DU are strictly prohibited from attending on-campus events. Any breach of these provisions may result in serious consequences, including suspension, rustication, or police action for both organisers and participants. Earlier in February, DU imposed a one-month ban on protests following agitations against the University Grants Commission’s (UGC) 2026 equity regulations.
This latest set of guidelines, however, must be understood in the context of recent legal and institutional developments shaping student activism. Notably, the Delhi High Court recently upheld the rights of students to peacefully protest while revoking the suspension of a student from Dr B R Ambedkar University (AUD). In the order passed on March 13, Justice Jasmeet Singh stated, ‘A university that accepts only obedience and discourages protests and criticism would fail in its broader educational role. The role of the university is not to suppress every form of dissent, but to ensure that such expression is answered and addressed.’
Tanvi, a student at DU and an activist with the All India Students’ Association (AISA), shared how immediacy is essential to activism. Calling the 72-hour mandate unreasonable, she explains how students are compelled to take to the streets when everyday policy affects them directly. ‘Students bear the brunt of every policy being introduced today, and it requires immediate action. Putting a ban on protests and demanding permits only crushes dissent in university spaces,’ noted Tanvi.
DU and youth-led agitation
‘Universities and students work on a social contract of trust,’ says former Jawaharlal Nehru University Students’ Union (JNUSU) President and former AISA National President N Sai Balaji. He argues that with these new regulations, DU is not just sending a message but making a statement: the exercise of democratic rights now comes at a price, be that rustication, a fine, or police proceedings. ‘India is a democracy, and universities are places where students can learn about democracy. The moment you criminalise this, you tell students that their thoughts are not free,’ he added.
Students at DU have never been passive recipients of arbitrary action; they have consistently been active participants in movements. Sarthak Sharma, Delhi State Secretary of the Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP), notes that since the beginning, students have united through organisations to raise grievances and resolve issues with the administration. When asked why student involvement in politics is necessary, he says, ‘It has been the tradition in India,’ adding that to instil the belief of ‘nation first’ in the youth, activism through various means is essential.
Dr Uma Gupta, an Assistant Professor at Indraprastha College, DU, considers classrooms as spaces where the ‘youth of the future’ is moulded into individuals who are well-versed in their rights and obligations. Consequently, she considers these regulations ‘dangerous and against the spirit of the Constitution.’
‘To make change, we need to keep organising and not give up,’ says Mehina. She notes that DU is a public university funded by taxpayers’ money, and adds, ‘What we are seeing right now is that regulations are being imposed not for the safety of students, but for the safety of the administration.’ She believes this is a form of surveillance targeting specific students. ‘At the end of the day, it is our campus,’ she says, adding that student politics is a journey of becoming aware of one’s rights and raising one’s voice when they are violated.
Student activism in India over the years
Historically, significant student participation was visible during the freedom struggle, beginning with the Non-Cooperation Movement in the early 1920s. This resolve grew stronger during the Civil Disobedience Movement in the 1930s and the Quit India Movement of 1942. While the top brass of the Congress party was imprisoned, the leadership vacuum was filled by sophisticated underground networks of students that coordinated strikes and participated in picketing processions.
As a punitive measure, wheat permits for DU hostels were halted in 1942. Yet activism continued, with popular student leaders evolving into prominent freedom fighters.
Activism was sustained over the years through organisations such as the All India Students’ Federation (AISF), founded in 1936. From college magazines to newsletters, dissent against the colonial regime strengthened, but this was not without consequence. Master Amir Chand, a board member of Hindu College, was executed in 1915 for his activism. Similarly, students from Ramjas College were arrested for their activism, with two of them sentenced to life imprisonment in the Andamans. As a punitive measure, wheat permits for DU hostels were halted in 1942. Yet activism continued, with popular student leaders evolving into prominent freedom fighters.
India has long fostered a politically nurturing atmosphere for motivated youth, according to Dr Gupta. ‘Student politics is the first step through which an Indian citizen learns to evolve their wisdom,’ she says. A compelling example is that of Rajiv Kumar, the former Vice Chairman of the NITI Aayog, who famously left St. Stephen’s College to briefly join the Naxalite movement in his youth.
Similarly, Lalu Prasad Yadav, Ram Vilas Paswan, and Nitish Kumar, once student activists, are now household names in Indian politics. They are all products of the JP Movement, led by political stalwart Jayaprakash Narayan. Sitaram Yechury and Prafulla Kumar Mahanta are other names whose participation in student politics is indicative of the diversity inherent in youth-led activism in India.
These lessons from history are evidence that student-led protest movements are neither an anomaly nor a novelty in India.
These lessons from history are evidence that student-led protest movements are neither an anomaly nor a novelty in India. As Delhi High Court Judge Justice Jasmeet Singh stated in his order regarding protests: ‘When students express disagreement in a peaceful and orderly manner, such conduct cannot be treated as outside the scope of holistic development. On the contrary, it reflects the very spirit of freedom to engage in discourse and discussions that a university is expected to encourage.’
Contemporary campus politics
While accepting that basic regulations are necessary to ensure that campus activities remain peaceful and inclusive, without disrupting academic functions, Zeeshan Ahmad Khan, former National Chairperson of the National Students’ Union of India’s (NSUI) Social Media Department, says, ‘Such regulations must be reasonable and non-restrictive, ensuring that they do not curb students’ fundamental rights to dissent and democratic expression.‘
He adds that student politics ensures accountability and provides a collective voice in decision-making. Furthermore, he notes, ‘Activism has led to tangible improvements in college infrastructure, hostel and mess facilities, fee reforms, and grievance redressal systems.‘
While student organisations are recognised by JNU and DU, AUD does not grant them formal recognition; hence, all such activities are considered a breach of university policy and invite police presence on campus, no matter how peaceful or small-scale the gathering may be.
Unlike DU, where formal regulations have been introduced to regulate protests, Dr B.R. Ambedkar University (AUD) has seen surveillance, targeted suspensions, and restrictions on events implemented as arbitrary administrative actions. Prerna Vats, a PhD scholar and member of AISA, shared that iron gates and barricades have been installed on campus to ‘protect’ the administration from protesters.
‘Events on topics ranging from sexuality to caste, and those that the administration considers to have political connotations, are regularly cancelled,’ she notes. While student organisations are recognised by JNU and DU, AUD does not grant them formal recognition; hence, all such activities are considered a breach of university policy and invite police presence on campus, no matter how peaceful or small-scale the gathering may be.
‘Now they are being very repressive,’ shares Aditi Mishra, JNUSU President and one of the five students rusticated by the JNU administration following protests against the installation of Facial Recognition Technology (FRT) at the library entrance. Alleging vandalism, the administration has barred the students from campus and fined them each INR 20,000 for damaging property. Though DU’s new regulations do not apply to JNU, a 2019 order by the Supreme Court restricts any event or protest within 100 meters of the administrative block. Violation of this constitutes contempt of court, Aditi explains.
Additionally, the Chief Proctor’s Office introduced a manual that restricts protests within 100 meters of any administrative, academic, or residential buildings. ‘Technically, it renders the entire university off-limits. But we regularly hold effigy burnings near Sabarmati Dhaba, even though it falls within the area covered by the manual,’ says Aditi.
However, the students adhere strictly to the court’s 100-meter ruling to avoid contempt charges. Danish Ali, Joint Secretary of JNUSU, who was also rusticated, noted that eight other students were fined INR 19,000 each for ‘clapping, sloganeering, and protesting’. Regarding these indirect regulations, Danish said, ‘In a university where the fee is INR 258 a year, such heavy fines are impossible for students, especially those from marginalised backgrounds, to pay.‘
‘Bit by bit, they are trying to curb voices here as well,’ says Aditi, mentioning how even posters protesting changes to the library were removed by security. ‘For every protest, they call for an inquiry and issue a show-cause notice; however, formally, students do not yet need prior permission to protest,’ she explains, highlighting the distinct nature of JNU politics compared to DU. Both Aditi and Danish remain rusticated, as their plea to the Vice-Chancellor was recently dismissed.
A graduate of Lady Shri Ram College (LSR) shared how she realised the true value of freedom of speech after enrolling in a private university for postgraduate studies. ‘Such harsh measures are not stipulated in the UGC guidelines; therefore, DU does not have the authority to impose such restrictive rules,’ she argues. Calling student politics a ‘double-edged sword,’ she adds that there is a constant threat to those who engage in political activities, making activism a ‘privilege’ given the constant vigilance students are under.
Nevertheless, she believes student politics is essential and that the administration itself requires immediate reform. ‘How education is delivered, the infrastructure, the salaries of our professors — these are just the tip of the iceberg. There are deeper, invisible systems like classism and casteism at play, and student politics must intervene when an issue concerns basic human rights,’ she says.
She condemned the ‘institutionalisation of Permission Raj’ (red tape) and highlighted how micro-level control is being introduced through heavy scrutiny and prohibitions. ‘Whatever we have done to foster an enriching student life on campus is being destroyed by the current administration,’ Dr Gupta added.
Calling the regulations arbitrary and an alarming precedent, Dr Gupta said, ‘The indirect surveillance of students is now being made direct, and no consultation with students or professors is taking place anymore.‘ She condemned the ‘institutionalisation of Permission Raj’ (red tape) and highlighted how micro-level control is being introduced through heavy scrutiny and prohibitions. ‘Whatever we have done to foster an enriching student life on campus is being destroyed by the current administration,’ Dr Gupta added.
‘There are two sides to every story,’ notes Mehina. ‘There is a common consciousness of student politics being defined by money and muscle today,‘ she adds. Admitting that certain organisations incite more problems than they alleviate, she concludes by saying, ‘While some organisations facilitate goons rather than activism on campus, there are groups working for the common student as well. Change may not be immediate, but prolonged perseverance will bring a revolution of optimism, reinforcing the belief that change is coming.‘
‘The attack on university spaces has increased because they are the first targets of any fascist regime,’ says Aditi, when asked why students continue to engage in activism despite the threat of stringent administrative action. ‘They start by changing the syllabus and history textbooks, ensuring that only content in line with their ideology is taught,’ she adds, highlighting the urgent need to protect dissenting spaces. When asked why she stands by youth activism even after her rustication, Aditi said, ‘In JNU, you have these spaces because people before you fought for them, which pushes us to do the same.‘
Some quotes in this article have been edited for clarity and length.
Second year student of Media Studies at CHRIST (Deemed to be University), BRC, Bangalore. A trained Kathak dancer, theatre artist and political nerd.