While the Internet offers a measure of individual self-determination, even to those who have historically been barred from speaking for themselves, this freedom is paradoxical. Online identities often carry the same ideas of superiority that are also inscribed offline. Therefore, the growth of digital platforms in India has not diluted the institution of caste. Instead, the everyday functioning of caste has shifted from overt and explicit practices to covert, implicit practices.
The growth of digital platforms in India has not diluted the institution of caste. Instead, the everyday functioning of caste has shifted from overt and explicit practices to covert, implicit practices.
To illustrate this shift, we can examine the mechanisms of caste across multiple digital platforms, focusing on its manifestations on quick-commerce platforms, social media (particularly Instagram), and online dating services.
Because algorithms learn from existing patterns of behavior, it is no surprise that these technologies, existing in a society structured by caste, continue to amplify historically dominant voices while suppressing the voices of marginalized groups. This ultimately creates digital echo chambers of caste, especially in Savarna spaces.
The Internet serves as a fertile ground for the digital reproduction of caste through a dialectical process of continuity and transformation into new modalities. This process represents an extension of the offline social order by converting caste into digital terms. Mechanisms involved in this process include algorithmic biases on online platforms and websites; digital identification systems; and the occupational segmentation that occurs as a direct result of digital capitalism, particularly in the form of platform-based gig work.
The curious role of caste in the gig economy
Quick commerce platforms like Swiggy, Zomato, Urban Company and Ola rely heavily on gig workers for their daily operations. However, these gig work-based digital platforms often reflect the caste-based occupational division in India.
Dalit work has historically been associated with demeaning or invisible work; This continues in platform-based work. There is one growing body of evidence The lower occupationEmployees perform disproportionately well DeliveryHousehold chores, cleaning and repair work. Gig workers also have to contend with unfair algorithmic evaluations. Prejudice towards the customer casteand opaque forms of platform control. These factors lead to a digitized form of caste-based work vulnerability. So platform-based gig work assimilates the caste into new forms of workinstead of dissolving it.
Instagram and the aesthetics of caste
While digital spaces may appear egalitarian and casteless in popular culture, the reality of these spaces is very different. On social media, caste is constructed in many ways – from the expression of caste pride in Instagram bios to the now relatively commonplace use of casteist slurs when interacting with users on X (formerly Twitter).
Casteist comments have been received on a post posted by a popular Ambedkarite influencer on Instagram in which he argues that caste pride is synonymous with casteism. The comments visibly express feelings of caste pride – a direct reproduction of caste identities on the platform. Photo credit: via lakhshya_speaks/Instagram
These constructions of caste identities on social media platforms illustrate the earlier argument that contemporary expressions of caste pride have shifted from visible, tangible, real expressions of hate that existed openly to “keyboard warriors” who hurl caste-based insults at other users and take pride in caste names, with this casteism now often hidden behind screens.
The visual logic of Instagram sets the stage for new articulations of caste through visual culture and aesthetic performance. Just like putting caste names on bumper stickers in real life, displaying visual caste pride is key to reproducing caste inequalities, as is portraying upper-caste identities as superior.
Instagram’s visual logic sets the stage for this new articulations of caste through visual culture and aesthetic performance. Just like putting caste names on bumper stickers in real life, displaying visual caste pride is key to reproducing caste inequalities, as is portraying upper-caste identities as superior.
Dominant caste influencers, who have higher visibility and algorithmic reach, set the norms of beauty and desirability. The aesthetics of certain types of content are increasingly seen as desirable, while certain visual elements and identities are branded as “Chapri” – a caste term often used as slang to denigrate someone perceived as inferior, tasteless or trying too hard with flashy, often gaudy, fashionable and digital aesthetics.
The practice of digital endogamy
Digital marriage portals and dating platforms are another important place for the reproduction of caste. Extending the idea of homogamy, the tendency of individuals to choose partners with similar social characteristics, from physical to online marriage practices, it becomes clear that these marriage platforms are structured along caste lines and enable the practice of digital endogamy – a tendency to search for spouses of the same caste on online marriage portals.
A screenshot showing the caste-based filtering options available on the website of one of India’s leading online matchmaking platforms. Photo credit: via bharatmatrimony.com
Dr. BR Ambedkar identified endogamy as one of the most central features of the caste system. The fact that caste-based filters are prevalent on online matrimonial portals shows how traditional caste norms spread and are reproduced on digital matrimonial websites. Additionally, some websites deliberately position themselves as “elite” destinations.
Caste continues to be visible and casteism continues to thrive in various digital spaces as the transition from physical to digital social spaces has not destroyed caste as a scaffold that maintains power structures.
However, it is important to note that the reproduction of caste in digital spaces is not limited to the platforms discussed above. Caste continues to be visible and casteism continues to thrive in various digital spaces as the transition from physical to digital social spaces has not destroyed caste as a scaffold that maintains power structures. As Anand Teltumbde argued in his 2025 book The Caste Con Census, this transition merely changed the language through which caste is legitimized and the mechanisms through which it is reproduced.
Abhijay Rambabu (he/him) is a sociologist with a strong focus on digital, urban and cultural sociology. He researches and writes on these topics, in addition to his writings on ecology, inequality and critical caste studies.